Black History Month acts as a gauge of the political moment, so how do we revamp it?
We are in Black History Month in the UK, and it seems it’s time for a reassessment. Over the years, an observance that began as a festivity and recollection of history, culture and the connections between international African diaspora communities, has taken on a business-like atmosphere, broadening to incorporate events where African descendants are remunerated to talk to Caucasian groups about hidden biases and “allyship”. The anti-racism rallies of the last decade created a surge in the business of displaying cultural sensitivity. Yet, that phase is now over. The tide has crested, resulting in a somewhat empty inheritance of what promoting consciousness is for.
The Origins of Black History Observance
First commemorated in the US and Canada, Black History Month was created in 1962 as an observance of African American heritage by Black scholar Carter G. Woodson with seven days of celebration and reflection in the middle of February. Black History Month evolved from this movement and was formally inaugurated in 1970. Now it is celebrated not only in the United States and Canada in February, but also in October in the United Kingdom, the Federal Republic of Germany, Éire and the Netherlands.
The month has transformed since that time, focusing less on the histories of transatlantic enslavement and struggles for equality, and increasingly on prominent Black figures in politics, culture, and activism, and extensively acknowledging the contribution Black people have made to influence the nation. It is in schools where Black History Month is most frequently marked, with talks and cultural events. But the way the month is commemorated is a reflection of the political moment. How it evolves is a valuable example in how assimilation leads to weakening: the reshaping of Black History Month has impeded the point of it, which is to tackle systemic and institutional racism.
A Jarring Moment
Little demonstrates how important it is to reconsider Black History Month as much as the specific period in which it occurs this year. In the UK, a resurgent right in the shape of the Reform organization is ahead in surveys. In the recent season we observed the most significant ultra-conservative gathering in British history. Kemi Badenoch, the African descendant in charge of the right-wing political group, is a firm opponent of Black Lives Matter, and we are in a place where a member of parliament feels empowered to declare that “not seeing any white faces” in specific city neighborhoods is a source of worry. At the same time, extreme conservative groups are expanding in the European continent as a complete entity.
In the US, a massive attack against diversity initiatives and positive discrimination has been carried, often successfully, to the highest courts of the nation. A drive to scrub African American heritage and legacy from the archives is ongoing. One of the former president's first executive orders focused on the institution dedicated to Black heritage, and the renowned cultural organization, claiming they of a coordinated and broad attempt to alter the country's historical narrative” by representing the nation “as naturally discriminatory”.
In this context, the month represents how insufficiently it can be impactful if it is confined to either dutiful corporate observances, or stripped of political content festivities of former accomplishments, rather than confronting the situation of the contemporary world. It also reveals how its restricted time span means that it is separated from the more extensive continuous action that is necessary. A university professor, a educator at a learning establishment, articulated it most accurately when she voiced worries about the temporary “tokenism” of the observance. “The issue with adopting a symbolic stance”, she commented, “is that it often means that Black History Month becomes a transient display rather than a agent of progress.”
Rethinking, But Not Jettisoning
Figuring out how to alter, change and broaden initiatives for fair treatment and appreciation in such periods of dismay and anxiety is a difficult task. There is a inclination to just do away with things like Black History Month altogether, assuming they are simply not fit for purpose, or are relics of an period that has failed to deliver.
However, regardless of the situation, Black History Month, and in fact the entire extended network and legacy of racial movements – grassroots Black Lives Matter organisations, DEI programs, and indeed, including corporate presentations – constitute an foundation that a considerable labor has gone into. It is there not merely to decline as the political landscape shifts (and in fact, declines), but to be a dynamic entity.
So what would a contemporary active Black History Month appear as? Well, first, it would be more than a single focused period: something that is spread out across all seasons (as various establishments are already commencing), elements of its material (particularly around notable African descendants) integrated into academic syllabi. It would also be a era that does not avoid governmental matters, and leaves space for citizens, particularly youth, to share their anxieties and narratives. What use is simple recognition of the history when it doesn’t reckon with the current situation of ultra-nationalist gatherings in the urban areas? Institutions who celebrate it should not be comforted with the passive language of “unconscious bias” and sensitivity to minor insults, but confronted with the threats that face all if fight against prejudice is not approached earnestly. In short, Black History Month should be made up-to-date, pressing, and adaptive. Maybe an complete renaming is necessary – Contemporary Black History Month.